International Strife Part III
by Greg Farber | December 26, 2009
Steps Toward British Union, a World State, and
International Strife—Part III
REMARKS
of
HON. J. THORKELSON
OF MONTANA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, August 20, 1940
PAMPHLET BY JOHN J. WHITEFORD
Mr. THORKELSON. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend
my own remarks in the RECORD, I include a pamphlet by John
J. Whiteford. This pamphlet should be of interest to every
Member of Congress because it deals with a subject that
will soon confront us, as it did in 1917:
SIR UNCLE SAM, KNIGHT or THE BRITISH EMPIRE
(By John J. Whiteford)
In these days of national and International confusion and conflict
there is one issue on which t h e American people are substantially
in agreement—We do not want war.
This great desire to keep out of war is perfectly logical. We know
the cost of war from bitter experience. We are no more responsible
for the outbreak of the present hostilities than we were in 1914.
We are not an aggressor nation and we have no designs on foreign
territory. We have nothing to gain and much to lose if we again
take part in foreign wars. We have enough vital problems at home
that require all of our attention and efforts. When and if the time
should ever arrive, we shall be fully able and willing to defend our
shores against foreign invasion.
There are, indeed, a thousand-and-one good reasons why we
should stay out of foreign wars.
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD 7
With all the self-evident advantages of peace for America as
against the horrors of war in Europe and Asia, and with an overwhelming
majority of our people against war, there still remains
the ominous fact that there is a definite danger of this country
drifting toward war. Even as in 1914, we are again being deluged
and directed by foreign propaganda, only to a much larger extent.
Again we have no clear understanding of the real issues involved.
In our confusion we are again taking sides, mentally so far, but
that is a ripe condition for expert foreign propagandists to lead
us toward active participation in the present conflicts.
I would like to say to every American, “There is only one side
we can take, and that is the American side.” With this in mind,
let us try to find out what are the real facts behind these foreignmade
conflicts, what are the basic issues at stake, and what are
the forces that are so desperately working to again involve the
United States in a world war. Only by facing facts and by clearing
our minds from the fog of selfish foreign propaganda can we arrive
at the right answer to the question, “What is best for America?”
For all our so-called civilization, the impelling force behind the
present struggles in Europe and in Asia is still the law of the
Jungle—the survival of the fittest. Whether we like to admit it or
not, that same force guided the early settlers of New England and
Virginia when they had to fight for their very existence in a strange
and hostile land where they were not invited. In the conquest of
this new continent our forefathers proved themselves the strongest—
the fittest—and the original owners, the Indians, lost. Only
by the process of applying their superior fitness could our ancestors
have built themselves a new home, gained their Independence, and
created a rich and powerful nation. We, as their descendants,
stand ready to defend our country with all our might if ever the
time should come when we are called upon to show our fitness to
“have and to hold” what we have gained.
The struggle of the building of America is only one example of
the struggle of mankind since the beginning. The greatest example
of all time is the building of the greatest empire in history—
the British Empire—covering roughly one-fourth of the world’s
land surface and inhabited by a quarter of the world’s population.
When we speak of the British Empire we must bear in mind a
much larger picture than Just 13,300,000 square miles of land and
600,000,000 people. It is a huge international institution of world
production, consumption, and distribution, with all the related
activities of commerce, finance, shipping, industry, and so forth.
This vast undertaking is not limited to the geographical borders
of the Empire. Its influence extends to every part of the globe,
from Hong Kong to Durbin, from Gibraltar to Cairo, from Singapore
to Aden, from Melbourne to Montreal, from Bombay to Bermuda,
from London everywhere.
The very vastness of the British Empire and its operations constitutes
a constant danger to itself and to the peace of the world.
Whenever any other nation feels the urge to expand, for whatever
reasons and in whatever direction, it automatically comes in conflict
with the broad interests of the British Empire.
In the Orient the Sino-Japanese conflict is not only a local
matter between China and Japan. It is in reality a threat to
British interests in China; to British “concessions” in China; to
the huge British investments in China; to British control of
Chinese railways and revenues; to British trade and shipping and
even to the British port of Hong Kong in China It is a blow to
British prestige and power in the Orient, with repercussions
throughout the world. It is actually a challenge to the British
Empire. It brought from Britain a cry of outraged Justice while
at the same time she tried to deposit the Sino-Japanese problem
into the lap of the United States
When Italy marched into Ethiopia, Britain again became highly
indignant. This was not because of a profound love for the Ethiopians
nor because Ethiopia might bring Italy great wealth. If
Ethiopia had really been very valuable, that country could have
been, and probably would have been, annexed to the British Empire
long ago. The real reason for Britain’s agitation was the fact that
Italy dared challenge British power in the Mediterranean and
endanger British control of the vital Suez Canal regions.
The Treaty of Versailles was in reality an instrument for the
permanent elimination of Germany as a world competitor of Great
Britain. For years after its signing the Germany people chafed
under this yoke, to t h e point where, defeated and discouraged, Germany
became dangerously close to becoming a communist soviet
republic. Gradually German leadership took hold and pulled the
people out of their spirit of defeatism and, as the pendulum swings,
so has Germany again become a menace to Great Britain.
The great bear of Russia is also a definite threat to the British
Empire, with its communistic paws uncomfortably close to the
Balkan and Suez Canal countries, to India and Burma, and
already resting heavily upon a large section of China.
Today, denuded of all propaganda, there is only one fundamental
issue behind all the conflict in Europe and Asia—the survival of the
British Empire. That was also the real issue of the World War. It
is the old challenge of Napoleon.
The most important international question before the people of
this country and of the world is whether Great Britain can continue
indefinitely to defend herself and her empire against all comers,
singly or in combination, and prove her fitness to “have and to hold”
her dominant world position. Therein also lies the key to the
problem whether America may or may not again be drawn into a
world war.
It seems to me that the answer to the above question is definite
and indisputable—Britain cannot win a major war in Europe
and Asia without the active assistance of the most powerful of all
nations, the United States. In their own interest the people of this
country will have to make up their minds, soon and soberly and
without being influenced by undue sentiment, whether America
shall continue to gamble with her youth and her treasure to help
defend the British Empire in every new crisis, or whether there are
saner and better ways of insuring the peace of the world.
Today the greatest single menace to the peace of the United
States is the same as in 1914. It can be summed up in one word—
propaganda. Even as today, this country was neutral at the
beginning of the World War and managed to stay out of It from
1914 until 1917. But during that time the foreign propaganda
machines were working overtime to get us involved in a war that
was decidedly not of our making. Finally, on April 6, 1917, America
declared war on Germany and so became an active ally of
Britain. In addition to the United States, the other allies
were Belgium, Brazil, China, Cuba, France, Greece, Guatemala,
Haiti, Honduras, Italy, Japan, Nicaragua, Panama, Portugal, Rumania,
Russia, Serbia, and Slam. It is true that some of the
Allies, like the United States, were active only during part of
the war period while others were little more than benevolent
bystanders. But against this powerful combination the group
of Germany, Austria-Hungary, Turkey, and Bulgaria held out
for more than 4 years, from August 1914 until November 1918.
and the German group might have won the war but for the
entrance of America into the conflict.
In the present crisis the only active allies of Britain are, so
far, the British Empire units and France. If the conflict should
spread into another world war Britain cannot again count on her
former combination of allies; in fact, it is more than likely that
some of these countries will be lined up against her. Therefore,
the most powerful ally of all, the United States, must be kept in
line by Britain against eventualities. That can only be accomplished
through propaganda. And the British are past masters
in the art of making gullible Americans swallow the bait of
persuasive propaganda.
Few Americans realize the magnitude of British influence in this
country. When I write frankly on this subject I fully understand
that I lay myself open to the accusation of favoring Britain’s
enemies. That is not at all the case. I am only following the
single track of being pro-American, and I would be grateful to
any critics if they would Join me on that straight road. I clearly
see the menace of all subversive movements, as well as the great
necessity of combating all these un-American activities. The point
is that, in our Justified agitation over communism, nazi-ism, and
fascism, we are overlooking another subversive movement that has
actually proven to be more destructive to our peace and welfare.
In the past it has been largely responsible for drawing this country
into the World War at a cost of thousands of our young men and
billions of dollars and a long period of depression. It does not
work openly and it is not generally recognized by the public. It
does not yell from soap boxes in Union Square, call strikes, picket,
or hold parades. It operates from the top down and so it reaches
into every stratum of American life. It is the far-reaching power of
British propaganda to make this country subservient to the interests
of Great Britain and the British Empire.
The scene is a banquet held at the Hotel Plaza, New York City,
October 25, 1939. This banquet was given by the Pilgrim Society of
America in honor of the Marquess of Lothian, British Ambassador
to the United States. It is an old custom of the American Pilgrims
to extend this honor to every newly appointed British Ambassador,
the same as the British Pilgrims invite every new American Ambassador
to their midst at a banquet in London.
There are several curious things about these Pilgrim functions.
In the first place there is present at these dinners an array of notables
such as it would be difficult to bring together under one roof
for any other purpose and by any other society. The Lothian dinner
was no exception. Presiding over this affair was Dr. Nicholas
Murray Butler, president of Columbia University, and chairman of
the American Pilgrim Society. Among the guests were John D.
Rockefeller and J. P. Morgan, Thomas W. Lamont and other members
of the House of Morgan, Frank L. Polk, Jeremiah Milbank,
James W. Gerard (former American ambassador to Germany), the
French Ambassador to the United States, Lt. Gen. Hugh A. Drum,
U. S. A., Maj. Gen. John G. Harbord (chairman of the Radio Corporation
of America), the Secretary of the Treasury, Henry Morgenthau,
and many other leading figures in government, diplomacy,
politics, finance, banking, shipping, law, industry, Insurance,
and education. These men had come especially to honor Lord
Lothian and to hear him speak. Before this important audience
Lord Lothian’s speech could not merely be a light after-dinner talk
of clever stories and witticisms. It was an important speech and
as such it was carried by the New York Times as front-page news.
As a highly experienced publicist, Lord Lothian opened his remarks
with the naive statement that his country has no propaganda in
America; that he would merely explain his country’s position. The
“explanation of his country’s position” developed into the same old
theme of most British statesmen, writers, lecturers, publicists, and
other trumpeters for Anglo-American unity. It can be summed up
in one stereotyped formula: “For your own good and for the good
of the world, these two great democracies, the British Empire and
the United States, must stick together.” What this plea to America
263553—19504
8 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD
really amounts to is this: “We have the largest empire in the world.
Never mind how we got it. The trouble is that we may not be able
to hang on to it much longer. America is rich and powerful and
wants no more additional territory. You should help us out whenever
we get into trouble so that we can continue to enjoy what we
have.”
Lord Lothian practically confirmed that message when he wrote
in Foreign Affairs, 1936:
‘The situation of the last century cannot be re-created by Great
Britain alone. She is not strong enough. But the United States,
the South American republics, and the nations of the modern British
Commonwealth could together re-create it. * * * They also
are both democratic and territorially satisfied * * *.”
And the morning after the Pilgrim dinner a front-page headline
in the New York Times read: “Lothian asks unity in democratic
aims.”
There is something magnetic about the word “democratic.” It
is very dear to Americans and it means much to them. Once they
even went to war • • • “to make the world safe for democracy.”
They may again be fooled by an appeal to democracy.
Knowing this, it has become a valuable vehicle for foreign propagandists,
and its real meaning is lost sight of in the confusion. The
Communist Party of America, for instance, has officially adopted
democracy in its constitution, in its literature, in speeches, and
generally as an appealing propaganda attraction in selling their
un-American Ideology to the American people. * * * All democratic
workers must stick together. It is a favorate theme with
the radical labor wing.
And now we witness the weird spectacle of titled British visitors,
from ambassadors to platform lecturers, using the same tactics in
selling their story. * * * We great democracies must stand
together.
What kind of democracy are we asked to adopt and to defend?
The un-American brand of Marx, of Engels, of Lenin, of Stalin, of
the Communist International. * * * Or the democracy of
imperialistic Britain, of India, of Ceylon, of Burma, or Hong Kong,
of Africa? * * * The democracy of the soap-box orators of
Union Square, or the democracy of the Pilgrim banquets at the
best hotels of London and New York?
Or shall we stand by our own conception of democracy, safe under
the Constitution and the Bill of Rights, which still give us far more
genuine personal liberty and opportunity than any other people in
any other country of the world? If so, let us not forget that today,
more than ever, the price of our liberty is eternal vigilance.
We must keep the bright spotlight of public opinion on all under-
cover and un-American activities so that we may learn the t r u th
and act accordingly. And we are entitled to know what the Pilgrim
Society is, what it stands for, and who these powerful Pilgrims are
that can call out the great to hear a British Ambassador expound to
Americans the virtues of a united democratic front.
The Pilgrim Society originated in London, July 11, 1902, as an
Anglo-American club of important Englishmen and Americans. An
American branch was formed January 13, 1903. at the old Waldorf-
Astoria Hotel, New York. Both societies are commonly known as
The Pilgrims.
An extract of the Pilgrim constitution reads:
“The object of the society shall be the promotion of the sentiment
of brotherhood among the nations, and especially the cultivation
of good fellowship between citizens of the United States and its
dependencies and subjects of the British Empire.
“The members shall be citizens of the United States or its dependencies
or subjects of the British Empire, and others prominent
for their sympathy with the objects of the society, who shall be
elected by the executive committee, and membership in the London
Pilgrims shall ipso facto constitute membership in the New York
society and vice versa, without additional dues. The membership
shall be limited to 900. The number may be altered by the executive
committee.”
Nothing is more needed in the world than a “sentiment of
brotherhood among the nations.” Nowhere is the promotion of
that sentiment more urgently and desperately needed than in
Europe and in Asia. This was so even in 1902. But the group
of eminent men who formed the Pilgrim Society in London did
not step across the English Channel to hold out the hand of
brotherhood to the weary nations of nearby Europe. Instead they
preferred to reach out across the Atlantic for the special purpose
of cultivating “good fellowship” between leading British and American
citizens. This beautiful sentiment rose to a climax in 1917,
when thousands of American good fellows crossed the Atlantic to
fight other people’s battles, and when the United States Treasury
opened wide its purse to the Allies and lent them whatever they
wanted. Then, indeed, Uncle Sam became the good knight of the
British Empire. But when the battle was over—over there—and
when the same Uncle Sam timidly suggested repayment of some
of the billions of dollars of war debts, he was immediately dubbed
“Uncle Shylock” by these same Allies. “Good fellowship” is difficult
to define, like friendship, but whatever the definition is it should
work both ways.
Who are these good fellows that are so deeply interested in
British-American friendship and in “united democracy”? They
are none other than the 900 of British-American aristocracy. They
represent, as a body, the most powerful combination of men of
wealth and influence on both sides of the Atlantic. They, the
Pilgrims’ membership in America and Great Britain, have included
and still include men in the highest position in government, in
263553—19504
diplomacy, in finance, in banking, in education, in the church, in
literature, in publishing, in commerce, in industry, in shipping,
and in practically all other important fields of national and international
activities.
The president of the British Pilgrims is His Royal Highness, the
Duke of Connaught, great uncle of the present King. As vice presidents
are listed: The Most Reverend His Grace the Lord Archbishop
of Canterbury: the Right Honorable Viscount Hallsham, P. C; the
Lord Desbrough, K. G., G. C. V. O.; Sir Harry B. Brlttain, K. C,
L. L. B., O. O. C. The membership of the British Pilgrims reads like
an Index to British leadership.
The president of the Americans Pilgrims is Dr. Nicholas Murray
Butler, president of Columbia University. Dr. Butler has worked
long and faithfully with the British. A United Press dispatch
from London, December 6, 1939, stated: “In the 1940 edition of the
British Who’s Who, appearing today, the longest biography is that
of Nicholas Murray Butler, president of Columbia University, who
occupies more than a column and a half of small print—the
equivalent of the combined biographies of Mussolini, Hitler, Prime
Minister Chamberlain, and President Roosevelt.”
Vice presidents of the New York Pilgrims are:
Herbert L. Satterlee (brother-in-law of J. P. Morgan), James
W. Gerard.. G. C. B. (former American Ambassador to Germany),
the Right Reverend James DeWolf Perry, Ellhu Root (deceased).
The executive committee of the New York Pilgrims consists of:
Thomas W. Lamont, Franklin Q. Brown. George W. Burleigh, John
H. Finley. Frederic R. Coudert. Edward F. Darrell, James G.
Harbord, K. C. M. G., D. S. M., Theodore Hetzler, the Right Reverend
William T. Manning, Gates W. McGarrah, Bryce Metcalf, Frank L.
Polk. William Shields, Myron C. Taylor, Harry Edwin Ward,
Charles S. Whitman, Owen D. Young.
As honorary members of the New York Pilgrims are listed:
H. R. H. the Prince of Wales, K. G.. H. R. H., the Duke of York, K. G.,
the British Ambassador to the United States, His Majesty’s Secretary
of State for Foreign Affairs, the Secretary of State of the United
States, the British Consul General in New York City.
A few prominent Pilgrim members, past and present, are listed
below: J. P. Morgan, Russel Leffingwell, Henry P. Davison, John W.
Davis, John D. Rockefeller. Percy Rockefeller, Ogden Mills Reid,
Henry Morgenthau. Otto Kahn, Robert Fulton Cutting, James B.
Clews, John B. Trevor. William Fellowes Morgan, Henry W. Taft,
Adolph Ochs, James Speyer, Charles H. Sabin, Sir Ashley Sparks,
George F. Trowbridge. Philip Rhinelander, Andrew W. Mellon. Albert
H. Wiggin. J. W. Hill, John F. O’Ryan, Frank L. Polk, George R.
Goethals, Julius Ochs Adler, Alfred L. Aiken, Herbert L. Aldrich,
John Whitney, W. B. Whitney. Cornelius Vanderbilt. Vincent Astor,
Julius S. Bache, Robert Low Bacon, Ancell H. Ball. David H. Biddle,
Robert W. Bigelow, Irving T. Bush, Newcomb Carlton, Joseph H.
Choate, William M. Chadbourne, Walter P. Chrysler, Thomas W.
Lamont. George F. Baker, John Bassett Moore, Dwight W. Morrow,
George W. Wickersham, John George Milburn, Mortimer L. Schiff,
Paul M. Warburg. Paul Outerbridge, Ivy Lee, Chauncey Depew,
Charles M. Schwab, Frederic R. Coudert, Marshall Field, Paul D.
Cravath, Edward S. Harkness, Oliver Harriman, Edward L. Dodge,
Frederick H. Ecker, Harry Harkness Flagler, George L. Genung,
Walter S. Gifford, Cass Gilbert, Edwin H. Gould, Duncan William
Fraser, Robert Erskine Ely, Harry Alanzo Cushing, Frederick W.
Budd, Henry Holt, J. G. White, Henry Johnson Fisher, Edward
Herrick Childs, and William Phelps Ely.
The present membership in the American Pilgrims, and those who
have passed away, represent the leadership of America in many important
fields. We find among these a candidate for President of
the United States, a Vice President, Secretary of State, Secretary of
the Treasury, Attorney General, Ambassadors, Solicitor General,
Senators, and Congressmen; presidents of the largest banks and
financial institutions; presidents and directors of the United States
Steel Corporation, and many other large industrial corporations; of
the American Telephone & Telegraph Co.; of the Radio Corporation
of America; of Insurance and shipping companies. Here are also to
be found the members of the leading law firms serving these banks
and Industries, as well as the interpreters of International law; editors,
publishers, and owners of America’s leading newspapers; experts
in publicity; social and financial leaders and generally the
group of men whose influence is capable of exerting great pressure
on government and public opinion.
At the outbreak of the present hostilities in Europe, President
Roosevelt expressed himself strongly on the necessity for maintaining
our neutrality and he promised to do all within his power to
keep this country out of war. That is also the great hope and desire
of the American people. The Pilgrims and Dr. Butler disagree
with this.
At a dinner in New York, at the Biltmore Hotel, February 9,
1928, in celebration of the twenty-fifth anniversary of the Pilgrims,
Dr. Butler said in a speech:
“Among other things the Great War has proved conclusively that
in a contest of those colossal proportions there were no neutrals
* * * if the world should ever again become engulfed in another
titanic struggle there would be and there could be no
neutrals.”
At this particular dinner, during which Dr. Butler expressed these
sentiments so contrary to the real hopes and wishes of the American
people, three telegrams were received and read to the celebrating
American Pilgrims. One came from the King of England, one
from the uncle of the King, and one from the Prince of Wales, the
future King, now the Duke of Windsor.
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD 9
The message from King George V was read by Sir Austin Chamberlain:
“The King has pleasure in congratulating the Pilgrims of the
United States on the occasion of their twenty-fifth anniversary, and
His Majesty takes this opportunity of conveying to them his good
wishes for the future.”
The future, according to the Pilgrims, does not include neutrality.
The message from the King’s uncle, the Duke of Connaught, read:
“* * * The cause of promoting cordial friendship between our
two g r e a t countries is one on which the future happiness of the
world in a great measure depends. Ever since I have been president
of the British Pilgrims I have realized to the full the success
of the work carried on by the two societies with this common
object in view.”
Here again we have the same old story, whether it comes from
an uncle of the King, from a British Ambassador, or from a platform
lecturer * * * friendship * * * two great countries
* * * common object. Here democracy was not mentioned,
nor the promotion of brotherhood among the nations.
The message from the Prince of Wales read:
“As a Pilgrim of nearly 9 years’ standing, I am very glad to send
my brother Pilgrims in New York my warmest congratulations on
the twenty-fifth anniversary of the club’s inception in the United
States. There have been many changes in the world during the
past quarter of a century but ties which unite the Pilgrims on each
side of the Atlantic remain firm as ever * * *.”
(Signed) EDWARD.
The British royal family certainly showed an extraordinary interest
in a group of American citizens dining in New York. Since
that time tremendous changes have occurred to Edward personally,
as well as to the world, but he was right in his prediction t h a t the
Pilgrim ties “remain firm as ever.”
Since we are dining so exaltedly, let us go to London and look
at a dinner at the Savoy Hotel, April 12, 1917, of the Pilgrims of
London “on the occasion of the entry of the United States Into
the Great War of Freedom.” The guest of honor was His Excellency,
the American Ambassador, Walter Hines Page.
The speeches at that dinner gave a clear expression of the
“ties that bind” the American Pilgrims to London and confirmed
Dr. Butler’s conviction that “there were no neutrals” in the World
War.
Sir Harry E. Brittain, chairman:
“I should like to read two cables which have arrived within the
last few minutes from New York. The first is from our good
friends and fellow members, the Pilgrims of America, and it reads
as follows:
“At last the Union Jack and the Stars and Stripes are nailed to
the same staff not to come down until the job is done. Our boys
in khaki are anxious to rub shoulders with yours in France and
share your struggle and your triumph in Freedom’s cause. The
Pilgrims’ dream of 15 years at length has come to pass. (Signed)
George T. Wilson, chairman.” [Loud cheers.]
“The other message is from one who has been frequently and
deservedly called t h e ‘Allies’ best friend in America,’ that very
excellent Pilgrim, James M. Beck. His cable reads:
“Joyous felicitations to the British Pilgrims now assembled to
celebrate unity in blood brotherhood of English-speaking races. The
day which Prussia did not want has come, when the flags of Great
Britain, France, and the United States float together in defense of
civilization. All hail the greater Entente which opens a new and
more resplendent chapter in the history of our common race. To all
who welcomed me so kindly last summer a cordial greeting at this
great hour. (Signed) James M. Beck.” (Loud and prolonged
cheers] (James M. Beck, prominent attorney, born in Philadelphia;
United States attorney for eastern district Pennsylvania; Assistant
Attorney General of the United States, 1900-1903; Solicitor General
of the United States, 1921-25; Member of Congress, 1937.)
Good fellows, these American Pilgrims, or shall we say British
colonials?
The Pilgrims’ dream of 15 years turned into a nightmare for our
boys in khaki, but the unity in blood brotherhood is still the goal of
this one-way friendship between British and American aristocracy.
Viscount Bryce, former British Ambassador to the United States,
spoke as chairman of the London Pilgrims. May we never have
such a speech again. He said, in part:
“When the United States of America, renouncing the isolation
which it had cherished since the days of Washington, obeyed the
supreme call of duty and set herself in arms beside the free nations
of the world in order to save the future of humanity, she took a
step of full solemn significance for all the ages to come.
“And now, gentlemen, what is America going to do in this war?
She is already doing what those who know her best expected from
her. She waited long enough to be quite satisfied that honor and
duty called her to arms. After long forbearance, when she was
satisfied that the German Government was resolved to persevere
with its barbarous and insulting policy, and that the whole feeling
of the Nation had been aroused and concentrated as to be virtually
unanimous, then America stepped to the front; then she bared
her strong arm; then she began to throw all her resources, all her
energy, all her inventive versatility, into the development of every
possible means for the vigorous prosecution of the war.
“Gentlemen, America is in the war now for all she is worth
[hear, hear] and how much that means those best know who
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know America best. [Cheers.] She will persevere to the end, for
she knows what a successful end means to the future welfare of
the world.”
No one knew better than Lord Bryce how much America was
worth as an ally of Great Britain. With enormous British hypocrisy
he made it appear that America bared her strong arm to save the
future of humanity and the welfare of the world, when in reality
America came to the assistance of only one-quarter of the world., the
British Empire.
Lord Robert Cecil was less diplomatic. Considering that the Pilgrim
meetings in London have almost the status of official functions,
owing to the important attendance. Lord Cecil overstepped the limits
of diplomatic decency when he said at this dinner in honor of the
American Ambassador:
“May I add one word about the staff of the American Embassy?
[Hear, hear.] Many of us have had personal relations of a very
friendly kind with several members of that staff, and they have
always preserved the most accurate and correct neutrality in talking
with us [laughter] but, somehow or another, after a conversation
with an you them, we went away feeling as one does, after having
received a hearty grasp of the hand from a friend and an earnest
and heartfelt wish of Godspeed to our cause. [Cheers.]
“Well, gentlemen, neutrality is no longer necessary [hear, hear],
and we all say thank God for that.” [Hear, hear.]
Dr. Butler was right; there was no neutrality, not even in the
American Embassy, before this country went into war. It was a
Joke to Lord Cecil and the Pilgrims.
The guest of honor, Walter Hines Page, spoke before this London
group of British-American notables in his capacity as United
States Ambassador to Great Britain, representing the American
Government and the American people. He said, In part:
“As for the particular aspects of this great subject with which
this club has from its beginning had to do—the closer sympathy of
the two branches of the great English-speaking peoples—next to
the removal of the great menace to free government, which is
the prime purpose of the war, this closer sympathy will be to us
the most important result of the victory. It will be important
not only to us on each side of the Atlantic, but also to all other
free nations.”
And then Mr. Page made one of the strangest admissions that
any diplomat could make under the circumstances. It is taken
from the Pilgrim records as are all these quotations.
“Seven years ago an admiral of our Navy, Rear Admiral Sims,
who sits now at this table, declared in the Guildhall that if ever
the English race were pressed hard for ships, every ship that the
United States had would come to the rescue. A great prophet as
well as a great seaman, he has not been rebuked for that on
this side of the water. [Cheers.]
“For my part I am stirred to the depths of my nature by this
American companionship in arms with the British and their Allies,
not only for the quicker ending of the war, but. I hope, for a moral
union which will bring a new era in International relations.
“My lords and gentlemen, your generous and great compliment
to me by making this large gathering in my honor is your way of
expressing appreciation of the action of the Government and people
t h a t I represent and of the President at whose high command I
have the honor to be among you in these historic and immortal
days. I thank you with deep emotion.”
It would have been more appropriate for the British to thank
Mr. Page, with or without emotion, and to show their appreciation
of America’s participation in the great war of freedom in a more
substantial manner than by getting together an imposing array of
British notables for a Pilgrim dinner. It is interesting to note that
among those who accepted the invitation of the Pilgrims so to
honor Mr. Page were none other than Neville Chamberlain and
Winston Churchill who are now leading another war of freedom,
while the British Ambassador to Washington is leading another
campaign in this country for unity of democracies.
In the nature of their exclusive membership and activities, the
Pilgrims may be termed the wholesale agency for promoting the
interests of Britain in this country. It is strictly a Tory organization.
The retail outlet is the more widely known English-Speaking
Union, which has for Its avowed purpose:
“To draw together in the bond of comradeship the Englishspeaking
people of the United States and of the British Empire by
(a) disseminating knowledge of each to the other and (b) inspiring
reverence for their common institutions.”
It is interesting to note that the English-Speaking Union originated
in London in the fateful year of 1917, when America bared
her strong arm in defense of democracy. Like the Pilgrims, the
English-Speaking Union has a British organization with headquarters
in London and an American branch with central offices in New
York. The purposes of the two organizations are virtually the same
and there is an interlocking directorate and membership.
The patron of the English-Speaking Union (London) is His
Majesty the King. The honorary president of the American English-
Speaking Union is the prominent Pilgrim, John W. Davis, successor
to the late Walter Hines Page as America’s wartime Ambassador to
the Court of St. James, Presidential candidate in 1924, and member
of J. P. Morgan & Co. As treasurer of the American English-
Speaking Union is listed Harry P. Davison, also a Morgan partner,
whose father was instrumental in having J. P. Morgan & Co. appointed
exclusive purchasing agents for the British Government in
America during the World War. Another director of the English10
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD
Speaking Union is Maj. Gen. James G.. Harbord, chairman of the
Radio Corporation of America, and also a member of the executive
committee of the Pilgrims.
As a valuable retail outlet for British propaganda, the English-
Speaking Union of the United States covers this country with
branches and correspondents in the following cities: Baltimore,
Md.; Boston. Mass.: Buffalo. N. Y.; Chautauqua, N. Y.; Chicago,
Ill.; Cincinnati, Ohio; Cleveland, Ohio; Columbus. Ohio; Dallas,
Tex.; Denver. Colo.; Des Moines. Iowa; Detroit. Mich.; Grinnell,
Iowa: Indianapolis, Ind.; Lake Placid, N. Y.; Lincoln, Nebr.; Los
Angeles. Calif.; Louisville, Ky.; Milwaukee, Wis.; New York, N. Y.;
Minneapolis, Minn.: Now Orleans, La.; Philadelphia, Pa.; Princeton,
N. J.; Providence. R. I.; Richmond. Va.; St. Louis, Mo.; Salt Lake
City, Utah; San Diego, Calif.; Ban Francisco, Calif.; Santa Barbara,
Calif.; Savannah, Ga.; Seattle, Wash.;. Sewanee, T e n n . ; Spokane,
Wash.; Tacoma, Wash.; Washington, D. C.
The English-Speaking Union seeks to “draw together in the bond
of comradeship” the people of this country and the British Empire.
But let us not forget that in 1917 the Pilgrims spoke of “bloodbrotherhood”
and “comrades in arms.” And now, when Britain is
again at war. Sir Evelyn Wrench, C. M. G., LL. D.. chairman of the
English-speaking Union of London (also a Pilgrim member), addresses
his fellow members of the union in The English-Speaking
World. October 1939. with the warning call:
“The English-Speaking Union was born 21 years ago during the
Great War and it has an even greater function to play in the present
crisis. We know we can count on your support.”
The founders of the Republic speak to us today through the immortal
words of George Washington:
“Against the wiles of foreign influence * * * the Jealousy of
a free people ought to be constantly awake, since experience and
history prove that foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes
of republican government.”
And yet. such are the times and such are the forces a century and
a half after Valley Forge that many Americans, including many leaders
of America, are advocating policies and ideologies foreign and
contrary to the very fundamentals on which this Nation was
founded. There is needed a new Declaration of Independence and
a rededication of the proven principles of our form of government
In our position as a rich and powerful nation we can no longer
avoid the responsibility of leadership in a wilderness of foreign conflict.
President Roosevelt, in his message to Congress. January 2,
1940. said that “in almost every nation of the world today there is
a true belief that the United States has been, and will continue to
be a potent and active factor in seeking the reestablishment of
peace.”
If we are to accept and to act the role of peacemaker, the first
requisite should be to stand before the world with clean hands
and a cool head, fair and impartial to all, and free from any
taint of favoritism and prejudice. Without this we would hold
out false hopes to a war-weary world; we would not be entitled
to the respect and cooperation of the embattled nations; the
sincerity of our motives would be Justifiably questioned, and we
would fail, to the detriment of all concerned, including ourselves.
As a “potent and active’ factor for world peace we cannot in
the meantime accept the one-sided doctrine of “unity between the
United States and the British Empire”: we cannot honestly and
decently pose as an impartial apostle of world peace and at the
same time act as the guardian angel of the British Empire; we
cannot look fairly at the world through the meshes of the network
of British propaganda: we cannot again allow our statesmen,
our ambassadors, our leading bankers, lawyers, industrialists,
churchmen, educators, and publishers to sway the sentiment of
our Government and our people in favor of one side, a foreign
side. Inherently and basically non-American.
We have before us a costly lesson from the past to the present as
a guide to the future. Let us remember 1914. and not forget in
1940 that a rising tide of war hysteria completely engulfed our
Government and our people. The climax came on April 6, 1917,
with an American declaration of war, approved by an overwhelming
majority of a Joint session of Congress. Only 56 out of 618 Senators
and Representatives voted against war. Of the Members of the
Senate only 6 dared cast their votes against the tides of war. One
of these few, Senator Robert La Follette, S r . , addressed the President
from the floor of the Senate with words that might well be
repeated today:
“There is always lodged, and always will be,. thank the God above
us, power in the people supreme. Sometimes it sleeps, sometimes
it seems the sleep of death: but, sir, the sovereign power of the
people never dies. It may be suppressed for a t i m e ; i t may be misled,
be fooled, silenced. I think, Mr. President, that it is being
denied expression now. I think there will come a day when it will
have expression.
“The poor. s i r , who are the ones called upon to rot in the trenches,
have no organized power, have no press to voice their will on this
question of peace or war; but oh, Mr. President, at some time they
will be heard—there will come an awakening; they will have their
day and they will be heard. It will be as certain and as inevitable
as the return of the tides, and as resistless, too.”
Today, with a warm heart full of sympathy for all the suffering
in the world, we must firmly maintain our Independence of thought
and action, free from all foreign influence and entanglements so that
we may think and speak and act as unimpaired Americans. Only
then can we give the best answer to the question, What is best for
America?
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